SAS is short for the #Special Air Service, which was founded during the Second World War by David Stirling . Subsequent operations were written up by #Ken Connor as #Ghost Force, a first rate book. Commentary from ARRSE [ the Army Rumour Service ], from men who know what they are talking about are at Ken Connor; they confirm the point.
It is pleasing to know that they pulled off the #Iranian Embassy Job with TV publicity in real time. The corresponding invasion of the #American Embassy In Iran was a ghastly cock up achieved by #Delta Force. That was called #Operation Eagle Claw.
Ken Connor tells us about the #1981 Gambian Coup d'état Attempt. It is quite different from two other write ups, #SAS - Operations - Gambia 1981 & #A Few Good Men — How Three SAS Commandos Defeated 400 African Rebels. He certainly knew about the men who did what it took, even if he did not know them directly. His version is more restrained.
#Desert Storm 1991 may prove to be the last hurrah for the SAS. They were fed into events as an afterthought. This was because #Norman Schwarzkopf, the commanding general had low views of [ American ] special forces after their failures in #Iran and #Grenada. So the jobs the SAS did were tactical rather than strategic. Guiding airstrikes onto air fields and communications set ups would have made them more effective. Their organisation and #Chain of Command foul ups caused equipment supply failures on the ground.
#Ken Connor goes on to tell us that the #SAS is beyond reform because too many careers depend on it. #Ghost Forces can operate behind the scenes, Not so much a power behind the throne as a very effective tool of policy. They would not even have to be military. #Cyberwar is an area that does not use rifles.
But #Counter-Terrorism is still an
area needing their expertise. Given that
Her Majesty's Government is in the business of importing Islamic terrorists
you just might think that
Boris Johnson and the rest of the
political class are committing Treason & that
Ghost Force should take over 10 Downing Street and Parliament. That is a
subject for other essays.
PS The SAS shares the
Special Forces Club
with other interesting outfits, such as the
Special
Operations Executive aka SOE.
Special Air Service ex Wiki
The Special Air Service (SAS) is a special forces unit of the British Army. The SAS was founded in 1941 as a regiment, and later reconstituted as a corps in 1950.[5] The unit undertakes a number of roles including covert reconnaissance, counter-terrorism, direct action, and hostage rescue. Much of the information and actions regarding the SAS are highly classified, and are not commented on by the British government nor the Ministry of Defence due to the sensitivity of their operations.[10][11][12]The corps currently consists of the 22nd Special Air Service Regiment, the regular component under the operational command of United Kingdom Special Forces, as well as the 21st (Artists) Special Air Service Regiment (Reserve) and the 23rd Special Air Service Regiment (Reserve), which are reserve units.
The Special Air Service traces its origins to 1941 and the Second World War. It was reformed as part of the Territorial Army in 1947, named the 21st Special Air Service Regiment (Artists Rifles). The 22nd Special Air Service Regiment, which is part of the regular army, gained fame and recognition worldwide after its televised rescue of all but two of the hostages held during the 1980 Iranian Embassy siege.[13]
Ghost Force by #Ken Connor
Containing explosive details of operations unknown even to 99% of serving SAS men, this is the definitive history of the regiment written by an ex-SAS soldier of 23 years' experience. Connor reveals how the assassination of President Kennedy gave the SAS truly global significance. He tells the truth about SAS involvement in the Falklands War and the Gulf War and about their operation against the IRA in Gibraltar. Compiled from personal experience and the eye-witness accounts of friends and colleagues, this book reveals the inside story of SAS operations in both conventional war and counter-terrorist operations. 'Controversial, blistering and unique' - #Andy McNab [ a pseudonym ]
PS Ken is also the co-author of #How To Stage A Military Coup
Ken Connor
Ken joined the Parachute Regiment of the British Army, before transferring to the Special Air Service where he served for over 23 years. During his time in the regiment he was involved in the creation and development of many of the departments and techniques for which the SAS are now world famous, including the Bodyguard Training Cell, the Counter-Terrorist Team and the founding of 14 Intelligence Company.He served and trained with other Special Forces Groups around the world and saw active service in four different theatres of war. A graduate of the US Ranger and airborne programmes; he trained US personnel at the FBI Academy in Quantico, USA, in counter-terrorist and VIP protection techniques. Ken served with BRIXMIS - the British Commander-in-Chief's Mission to the Soviet Forces in (East) Germany, for which he was awarded the British Empire Medal.
In 1986 he joined Control Risks Group as a security consultant for 5 years, after which he started his own company, offering services to clients in the specialist security field. He is the author and co-author of several books, including #'Ghost Force: The Secret History of the SAS'
1981 Gambian Coup d'état Attempt ex Wiki
The 1981 Gambian coup d'état attempt began on 30 July 1981 and was quashed in early August following a Senegalese military intervention. The insurrection was carried out by members of the Gambia Socialist Revolutionary Party and disaffected staff of the Gambia Field Force. At the time, President Dawda Jawara was in the United Kingdom attending the wedding of Prince Charles and Lady Diana Spencer. The failure of the coup precipitated the creation of the Senegambia Confederation in 1982.
SAS - Operations - Gambia 1981
Special Air Service (SAS) - Gambia Hostage Rescue
It's testament to the faith that the then British Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher, had in the Special Air Service that when, in the early 80s, a crisis erupted in Africa, just 2 SAS men were sent in to help reverse a coup and rescue the family of a President.
Background:
Dateline : August 1981
When the President of The Gambia, Sir Dawda Jawara, came over to England to attended the Royal Wedding of Prince Charles and Lady Diana Spencer, Left-wing rebels back home took advantage of his absence and launched a coup d'état against his government. The rebels had captured the capital, Banjul, taking over its radio station and airport. In addition, rebel forces took the President's wife, Lady Jawara, and family hostage. Of further concern to the British, were a large number of British citizens who had been caught up in the escalating violence and lawlessness that had taken over the capital.Jawara headed back to Africa to try an reclaim power, but not before asking the British government for assistance.
The SAS go in
2 SAS men, one a Major, one a Sargent, where assigned the task of entering The Gambia and running a low key operation to help reinstate Jawara's government and secure the safety of the President's family and any British citizens.The 2 SAS men, dressed in civilian clothes and armed with MP5s and Browning 9mm pistols, and hand grenades were flown covertly into Senegal, the former French colony that neighboured The Gambia, their weapons secreted in Diplomatic bags. Crossing the border into The Gambia, the SAS men linked up with Clive Lee, an ex-SAS Major who was working for the Gambians. The 3 Britons then joined forces with Senegalese Paratroopers who had been drafted in to quash the coup. Within short order, small groups of rebels were being captured and handed over to the Senegalese troops who seemed as mystified as to who was doing it as the rebels themselves. Quickly the tide had turned, the Radio station and Airport soon fell, and the Rebels' grip on the capital was loosening.
Moving on to their other objective, the safety of Lady Jawara, the SAS men learned that, due to illness, she and her 5 children had been moved to a British-run hospital where she was under armed guard. The SAS made contact with some of the medical staff and convinced them to help resolve the situation without bloodshed. The doctors were able to draw out the hostage's treatment, keeping them in the lightly-guarded clinic whilst the SAS could arrange for a rescue bid. The resourceful doctors were also able to convince the guards inside to leave their weapons out of reach, claiming they were frightening the patients.
Posing as medical staff, the SAS were able to disarm the Rebels guarding the hospital entrance and make their way inside. Inside, the unarmed rebels guarding the hostages were easily overcome and soon the Lady Jawara and her family were escorted to safety.
As the Senegalese forces routed the remaining Rebels, the SAS stuck around only long enough to ensure that no British citizens needed assistance, before quietly flying back to Britain.The Gambian operation had proven that a couple of well-trained special forces troops could covertly affect the fate of an entire nation.
A Few Good Men — How Three SAS Commandos Defeated 400 African Rebels
QUOTE
When an army of Marxist guerrillas toppled the government of a small banana republic, they never expected to have their plans thwarted by a force of just three British commandos. But that’s exactly what happened when a SAS major and two sergeants, acting on their own, took down a force of 400 revolutionaries.IN THE SUMMER OF 1981, the tiny west African nation of Gambia was rocked by a coup d'état.
The president, Dawda Jawara, was out of the country attending the wedding of Charles and Diana. In his absence, one of leader’s political rivals, a Libyan-backed Marxist, overthrew the government. Together with an army of 400 men, he took the president’s wife and family captive, along with dozens of other hostages, while seizing an armoury, the airport and a radio station in the capital Banjul.
A longtime ally of the British, President Jawara appealed to London for assistance. The Thatcher Government approached the crisis with caution. After issuing a statement condemning the coup, the British dispatched a two-man team of SAS commandos into neighbouring Senegal, which surrounds Gambia on all sides. Their orders were fairly simple: liaise with Senegalese troops, observe the situation as it developed and await further instructions.
The leader of the British detachment, Major Ian Crooke, was a senior officer in the elite British unit and part of the famous 1980 assault on the Iranian embassy in London. It turned out that Crooke, who already had a reputation in the British military for being something of a maverick, was going to exceed those orders… and quite spectacularly it turned out.
Dressed in civilian clothes and armed with little more than sub-machine guns and pistols, the major and his sergeant arrived in Senegal. Once there, the two were joined by another British commando already in the region. In short order, the trio slipped into the Gambian capital and began to take stock of the rebel strength.
After scouting rebel-held positions, Crooke concluded that the opposition’s hold on the capital was tenuous for the moment. The major gambled that his team, despite being outnumbered more than 100 to one, should be able to topple the coup on their own,
Crooke made his first objective the rescue of the president’s wife, who was being held at the city’s hospital. Disguised as doctors, the SAS men surprised and overpowered the rebels guarding the facility and easily freed the first lady and her entourage.
Next Crooke crossed back into Senegal where he convinced local troops to accompany him into Gambia to reclaim the capital and free more hostages.
Within hours, the British-led force was assaulting a rebel-held barracks. After a brief firefight, they captured the building and its defenders, freeing the remaining hostages.
Rebel morale crumbled in the face of such determined opposition and the next day, Crooke and company pushed the remaining enemy forces from the capital.
Despite Crooke’s success, the British brass were less than thrilled with his go-it-alone approach to dealing with the Gambian coup. But how could they court martial a hero, especially one who restored an ally to power, saved 100 hostages and thwarted a Marxist coup? It turns out they couldn’t. Instead they awarded him the Distinguished Service Order and promoted him to colonel. Crooke now lives in South Africa.
President Jawara remained in power for another 13 years. His government was overthrown again in 1994 and replaced by an authoritarian regime.
UNQUOTE
They did rather well. The disapproval of military officials was really envy.
Iranian Embassy Siege ex Wiki
The Iranian Embassy siege took place from 30 April to 5 May 1980, after a group of six armed men stormed the Iranian embassy on Prince's Gate in South Kensington, London. The gunmen, Iranian Arabs campaigning for sovereignty of Khuzestan Province, took 26 people hostage, including embassy staff, several visitors, and a police officer who had been guarding the embassy. They demanded the release of prisoners in Khuzestan and their own safe passage out of the United Kingdom. The British government quickly decided that safe passage would not be granted and a siege ensued. Subsequently, police negotiators secured the release of five hostages in exchange for minor concessions, such as the broadcasting of the hostage-takers' demands on British television.By the sixth day of the siege the gunmen were increasingly frustrated at the lack of progress in meeting their demands. That evening, they killed a hostage and threw his body out of the embassy. The Special Air Service (SAS), a special forces regiment of the British Army, initiated "Operation Nimrod" to rescue the remaining hostages, abseiling from the roof and forcing entry through the windows. During the 17-minute raid they rescued all but one of the remaining hostages and killed five of the six hostage-takers. An inquest cleared the SAS of any wrongdoing. The sole remaining gunman served 27 years in British prisons.
The Iran–Iraq War broke out later that year and the hostage crisis in Tehran continued until January 1981. Nonetheless, the operation brought the SAS to the public eye for the first time and bolstered the reputation of Thatcher's government. The SAS was quickly overwhelmed by the number of applications it received from people inspired by the operation and experienced greater demand for its expertise from foreign governments. The building, damaged by fire during the assault, was not reopened until 1993. The SAS raid, televised live on a bank holiday evening, became a defining moment in British history and proved a career break for several journalists; it became the subject of multiple documentaries and works of fiction, including several films and television series.
American Embassy In Iran
The Embassy of the United States of America in Tehran was the United States of America's diplomatic mission in the Imperial State of Iran. Direct bilateral diplomatic relations between the two governments were severed following the Iranian Revolution in 1979, and the subsequent seizure of the embassy in November 1979.History
The embassy was designed in 1948 by the architect Ides van der Gracht, the designer of the Embassy of the United States in Ankara. It was a long, low two-story brick building, similar to American high schools built in the 1930s and 1940s. For this reason, the building was nicknamed "Henderson High" by the embassy staff, referring to Loy W. Henderson, who became America's ambassador to Iran just after construction was completed in 1951.[3]The US diplomatic mission has been defunct and the building has not been used by the U.S. since the Iran hostage crisis of 1979.[1][2] Since then, the United States government has been represented in Iran by the United States Interests Section of the Embassy of Switzerland in Tehran.[4] The name currently given to the compound by many Iranians is variously translated as "espionage den," "den of espionage", and "nest of spies".[5][6]
After the fall of the embassy, the Revolutionary Guard used it as a training center, and continue to maintain the complex.[7] The brick walls that form the perimeter (the embassy grounds are the size of a city block) feature a number of anti-American murals commissioned by the government of Iran.[7] The site has also housed a bookstore and a museum.[8] Part of the embassy has been turned into an anti-American museum, and several student organizations maintain offices in the former embassy complex.[9] As of January 2017, the site is open to the Iranian public and foreigners. The Great Seal of the United States is badly damaged, but still visible at the entryway.
The Muslim Student Followers of the Imam's Line published documents seized in the embassy (including painstakingly reconstructed shredded documents) in a series of books called "Documents from the US Espionage Den" (Persian: اسناد لانه جاسوس امریكا, Asnād-e lāneh-e jasusi Amrikā).[10] These books included telegrams, correspondence, and reports from the United States Department of State and Central Intelligence Agency, some of which remain classified to this day.
Chain of Command ex Wiki
A command hierarchy is a group of people who carry out orders based on others' authority within the group.[citation needed] It can be viewed as part of a power structure, in which it is usually seen as the most vulnerable and also the most powerful part.[citation needed]In a military context, the chain of command is the line of authority and responsibility along which orders are passed within a military unit and between different units. In more simple terms, the chain of command is the succession of leaders through which command is exercised and executed. Orders are transmitted down the chain of command, from a responsible superior, such as a commissioned officer, to lower-ranked subordinate(s) who either execute the order personally or transmit it down the chain as appropriate, until it is received by those expected to execute it. "Command is exercised by virtue of office and the special assignment of members of the Armed Forces holding military rank who are eligible to exercise command." [1]
In general, military personnel give orders only to those directly below them in the chain of command and receive orders only from those directly above them. A service member who has difficulty executing a duty or order and appeals for relief directly to an officer above his immediate commander in the chain of command is likely to be disciplined for not respecting the chain of command. Similarly, an officer is usually expected to give orders only to his or her direct subordinate(s), even if only to pass an order down to another service member lower in the chain of command than said subordinate.
The concept of chain of command also implies that higher rank alone does not entitle a higher-ranking service member to give commands to anyone of lower rank. For example, an officer of unit "A" does not directly command lower-ranking members of unit "B", and is generally expected to approach an officer of unit "B" if he requires action by members of that unit. The chain of command means that individual members take orders from only one superior and only give orders to a defined group of people immediately below them.
If an officer of unit "A" does give orders directly to a lower-ranked member of unit "B", it would be considered highly unusual (a faux pas, or extraordinary circumstances, such as a lack of time or inability to confer with the officer in command of unit "B") as officer "A" would be seen as subverting the authority of the officer of unit "B". Depending on the situation or the standard procedure of the military organization, the lower-ranked member being ordered may choose to carry out the order anyway, or advise that it has to be cleared with his or her own chain of command first, which in this example would be with officer "B". Refusal to carry out an order is almost always considered insubordination; the only exception usually allowed is if the order itself is illegal (i.e., the person carrying out the order would be committing an illegal act). (See Superior Orders.)
In addition, within combat units, line officers are in the chain of command, but staff officers in specialist fields (such as medical, dental, legal, supply, and chaplain) are not, except within their own specialty. For example, a medical officer in an infantry battalion would be responsible for the combat medics in that unit but would not be eligible to command the battalion or any of its subordinate units.
The term is also used in a civilian management context describing comparable hierarchical structures of authority. Such structures are included in Fire Departments, Police Departments and other organizations that have a paramilitary command or power structure.
Andy McNab ex Wiki
Steven Billy Mitchell, CBE, DCM, MM (born 28 December 1959), usually known by the pseudonym and pen-name of Andy McNab, is a novelist and former British Army infantry soldier.[1][2]He came into public prominence in 1993 when he published a book entitled Bravo Two Zero containing an account of a military mission in which he had taken part with the Special Air Service (SAS) during the Persian Gulf War, for which he had been awarded the Distinguished Conduct Medal.[3][4] He had previously been awarded the Military Medal in 1979 for gallantry in action whilst serving with the Royal Green Jackets in Northern Ireland.[5][6]
He has published a number of other fiction novels and two autobiographies in addition to Bravo Two Zero. He has also published a book on psychopathy entitled The Good Psychopath's Guide to Success, claiming that he exhibits many psychopathic traits.[7][8]
How To Stage A Military Coup
Fed up with taxes? Angered and disappointed by corrupt leaders? How to Stage a Military Coup lays down practical strategies that have proven themselves around the globe. David Hebditch and Ken Connor examine, with a critical eye, successful as well as failed coup attempts throughout the twentieth century with the aim of showing their readers just what it takes to swiftly and soundly overthrow a government. Exploring coups from Nigeria, to Cuba, to Iraq, and with true stories of SAS combat written by Ken Connor, the book gives an insightful glimpse into this violent and rarely-seen world of shifting power. How to Stage a Military Coup is a unique textbook for the armchair revolutionary, as well as a practical guide for the idealist with a soft spot for the sound of artillery fire. From evaluation of the political climate and investigation of potential allies, to recruiting and training personnel, to strategies for ensuring timely transfer of power, the book leaves no aspect of the coup d'état unexamined. The book also includes appendixes, notes, and a world map of coups d'etat.
Delta Force ex Wiki
The 1st Special Forces Operational Detachment-Delta (1st SFOD-D), commonly referred to as Delta Force, Combat Applications Group (CAG), "The Unit", Army Compartmented Element (ACE), or within JSOC as Task Force Green,[2] is an elite special operations force of the United States Army, under operational control of the Joint Special Operations Command. The unit is tasked with specialized missions primarily involving counter-terrorism, hostage rescue, direct action, and special reconnaissance, often against high-value targets. Delta Force and its Navy and Air Force counterparts, DEVGRU and 24th Special Tactics Squadron, are the U.S. military's primary Tier 1 special mission units tasked with performing the most complex, classified, and dangerous missions directed by the National Command Authority.[7][8]Most Delta Force operators are selected from the United States Army Special Operations Command's elite Special Forces Groups and the 75th Ranger Regiment, as well as from other special operations units.
Operation Eagle Claw ex Wiki [ see #Ghost Force @ 58% in Kindle version ]
QUOTE
Operation Eagle Claw, known as Operation Tabas (Persian: عملیات طبس) in Iran,[1] was a United States Armed Forces operation ordered by U.S. President Jimmy Carter to attempt to end the Iran hostage crisis by rescuing 52 embassy staff held captive at the Embassy of the United States, Tehran on 24 April 1980.The operation, one of Delta Force's first,[2] encountered many obstacles and failures and was subsequently aborted. Eight helicopters were sent to the first staging area called Desert One, but only five arrived in operational condition.[3] One had encountered hydraulic problems, another was caught in a sand storm, and the third showed signs of a cracked rotor blade. During the operational planning, it was decided that the mission would be aborted if fewer than six helicopters remained operational, despite only four being absolutely necessary.[3] In a move that is still discussed in military circles, the field commanders advised President Carter to abort the mission, which he did.[4]
As the U.S. forces prepared to withdraw from Desert One, one of the remaining helicopters crashed into a transport aircraft that contained both servicemen and jet fuel. The resulting fire destroyed both aircraft and killed eight servicemen.[3]
In the context of the Iranian Revolution, Iran's new leader, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, used the failed operation as a propaganda tool. He claimed that the mission had been stopped by an act of God ("angels of God") who had foiled the U.S. mission in order to protect Iran and his new conservative theocratic government. In turn, Carter blamed his loss in the 1980 U.S. presidential election mainly on his failure to secure the release of the hostages.[5]
UNQUOTE
#Ken Connor tells us that a complicated plan was bad news; the insistence of Carter on being updated at various stages of the operation coupled with indecision made matters worse. The #Chain of Command caused problems. Having chopper pilots bottle out was the kiss of death for the whole thing.
Desert Storm 1991
The Gulf War[b] (2 August 1990 – 28 February 1991) was a war waged by coalition forces from 35 nations led by the United States against Iraq in response to Iraq's invasion and annexation of Kuwait arising from oil pricing and production disputes. It was codenamed Operation Desert Shield (2 August 1990 – 17 January 1991) for operations leading to the buildup of troops and defense of Saudi Arabia and Operation Desert Storm (17 January 1991 – 28 February 1991) in its combat phase.On 2 August 1990, the Iraqi Army invaded and occupied Kuwait, which was met with international condemnation and brought immediate economic sanctions against Iraq by members of the UN Security Council. UK prime minister Margaret Thatcher[29] and US president George H. W. Bush deployed forces into Saudi Arabia, and urged other countries to send their own forces to the scene. An array of nations joined the coalition, forming the largest military alliance since World War II. Most of the coalition's military forces were from the US, with Saudi Arabia, the United Kingdom and Egypt as leading contributors, in that order. Kuwait and Saudi Arabia paid around US$32 billion of the US$60 billion cost.[30]
The war marked the introduction of live news broadcasts from the front lines of the battle, principally by the US network CNN.[31][32][33] The war has also earned the nickname Video Game War after the daily broadcast of images from cameras on board U.S. bombers during Operation Desert Storm.[27][34]
The initial conflict to expel Iraqi troops from Kuwait began with an aerial and naval bombardment on 17 January 1991, continuing for five weeks. This was followed by a ground assault on 24 February. This was a decisive victory for the coalition forces, who liberated Kuwait and advanced into Iraqi territory. The coalition ceased its advance and declared a ceasefire 100 hours after the ground campaign started. Aerial and ground combat was confined to Iraq, Kuwait, and areas on Saudi Arabia's border. Iraq launched Scud missiles against Israel and coalition targets in Saudi Arabia.
Norman Schwarzkopf ex Wiki
Herbert Norman Schwarzkopf Jr. (/ˈʃwɔːrtskɒf/; August 22, 1934 – December 27, 2012) was a United States Army general. While serving as the commander of United States Central Command, he led all coalition forces in the Gulf War.Born in Trenton, New Jersey, Schwarzkopf grew up in the United States and later in Iran. He was accepted by the United States Military Academy and was commissioned as a second lieutenant in the United States Army in 1956. After a number of initial training programs, Schwarzkopf interrupted a stint as an academy teacher and served in the Vietnam War, first as an adviser to the South Vietnamese Army and then as a battalion commander. Schwarzkopf was highly decorated in Vietnam and was awarded three Silver Stars, two Purple Hearts, and the Legion of Merit. Rising through the ranks after the Vietnam war, he later commanded the 24th Mechanized Infantry Division and was one of the commanders of the #Invasion of Grenada in 1983.
Assuming command of United States Central Command in 1988, Schwarzkopf was called on to respond to the invasion of Kuwait in 1990 by the forces of Ba'athist Iraq under Saddam Hussein. Initially tasked with defending Saudi Arabia from Iraqi aggression, Schwarzkopf's command eventually grew to an international force of over 750,000 troops. After diplomatic relations broke down, he planned and led Operation Desert Storm, an extended air campaign followed by a highly successful 100-hour ground offensive, which defeated the Iraqi Army and liberated Kuwait in early 1991. Schwarzkopf was presented with military honors.
Schwarzkopf retired shortly after the end of the war and undertook a number of philanthropic ventures, only occasionally stepping into the political spotlight before his death from complications of pneumonia. A hard-driving military commander with a strong temper, Schwarzkopf was considered an exceptional leader by many biographers and was noted for his abilities as a military diplomat and in dealing with the press.
Invasion of Grenada ex Wiki
The United States invasion of Grenada began at dawn on 25 October 1983. The U.S. and a coalition of six Caribbean nations invaded the island nation of Grenada, 100 miles (160 km) north of Venezuela. Codenamed Operation Urgent Fury by the U.S. military, it resulted in military occupation within a few days.[9] It was triggered by the strife within the People's Revolutionary Government which resulted in the house arrest and execution of the previous leader and second Prime Minister of Grenada Maurice Bishop, and the establishment of the Revolutionary Military Council with Hudson Austin as Chairman. The invasion resulted in the appointment of an interim government, followed by democratic elections in 1984. The country has remained a democratic nation since then.Grenada had gained independence from the United Kingdom in 1974. The Communist New Jewel Movement seized power in a coup in 1979 under Maurice Bishop, suspending the constitution and detaining several political prisoners. In September 1983, an internal power struggle began over Bishop's leadership performance.[10] Bishop was pressured at a party meeting to share power with Deputy Prime Minister Bernard Coard. Bishop initially agreed, but later balked. He was put under house arrest by his own party's Central Committee until he relented. When his secret detention became widely known, Bishop was freed by an aroused crowd of his supporters. A confrontation then ensued at military headquarters between Grenadian soldiers loyal to Coard and civilians supporting Bishop. Shooting started under still-disputed circumstances. At least 19 soldiers and civilians were killed on 19 October 1983 including Bishop, his partner Jacqueline Creft, two other cabinet ministers and two union leaders.
The Reagan administration in the U.S. launched a military intervention following receipt of a formal appeal for help from the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States. In addition, the Governor-General of Grenada Paul Scoon secretly signaled he would also support outside intervention, but he put off signing a letter of invitation until 26 October.[11] Reagan also acted due to "concerns over the 600 U.S. medical students on the island" and fears of a repeat of the Iran hostage crisis.
The invasion began on the morning of 25 October 1983, just two days after the bombing of the U.S. Marine barracks in Beirut. The invading force consisted of the US Army's 1st and 2nd battalions of the 75th Ranger Regiment, the 82nd Airborne and the Army's rapid deployment force, Marines, Army Delta Force, Navy SEALs, and ancillary forces totaling 7,600 troops, together with Jamaican forces and troops of the Regional Security System (RSS).[12] The force defeated Grenadian resistance after a low-altitude airborne assault by Rangers and the 82nd Airborne on Point Salines Airport at the south end of the island, and a Marine helicopter and amphibious landing on the north end at Pearls Airport. Austin's military government was deposed and replaced, with Scoon as Governor-General, by an interim advisory council until the 1984 elections.
The invasion was criticized by many countries, including Canada. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher privately disapproved of the mission and the lack of notice that she received, but she publicly supported it.[13] The United Nations General Assembly condemned it as "a flagrant violation of international law" on 2 November 1983 with a vote of 108 to 9.[14] Conversely, there was broad public support in the United States.[15][16][17]
The date of the invasion is now a national holiday in Grenada called Thanksgiving Day, commemorating the freeing of several political prisoners who were subsequently elected to office. A truth and reconciliation commission was launched in 2000 to re-examine some of the controversies of the era; in particular, the commission made an unsuccessful attempt to find Bishop's body, which had been disposed of at Austin's order and never found. The invasion also highlighted issues with communication and coordination between the different branches of the American military when operating together as a joint force, contributing to investigations and sweeping changes in the form of the Goldwater-Nichols Act and other reorganizations.[18]
Cyberwar ex Wiki
Cyberwarfare is the use of digital attacks to attack a nation, causing comparable harm to actual warfare and or disrupting the vital computer systems.[1] There is significant debate among experts regarding the definition of cyberwarfare, and even if such a thing exists.[2] One view is that the term "cyberwarfare" is a misnomer, since no offensive cyber actions to date could be described as "war". An alternative view is that "cyberwarfare" is a suitable label for cyber attacks which cause physical damage to people and objects in the real world.[3]While there is debate over how to define and use "cyberwarfare" as a term, many countries including the United States, United Kingdom, Russia, India, Pakistan,[4] China, Israel, Iran, and North Korea[5][6][7] have active cyber capabilities for offensive and defensive operations. As states explore the use of cyber operations and combine capabilities the likelihood of physical confrontation and violence playing out as a result of, or part of, a cyber operation is increased. However, meeting the scale and protracted nature of war is unlikely, thus ambiguity remains.[8]
The first instance of kinetic military action used in response to a cyber-attack resulting in the loss of human life was observed on 5 May 2019, when the Israel Defense Forces targeted and destroyed a building associated with an on-going cyber-attack.[9][10]
Counter-Terrorism ex Wiki
Counter-terrorism (also spelled counterterrorism), also known as anti-terrorism, incorporates the practice, military tactics, techniques, and strategy that government, military, law enforcement, business, and intelligence agencies use to combat or prevent terrorism. Counter-terrorism strategy is a government's plan to use the instruments of national power to neutralize terrorists, their organizations, and their networks in order to render them incapable of using violence to instill fear and to coerce the government or its citizens to react in accordance with the terrorists' goals.[1]If terrorism is part of a broader insurgency, counter-terrorism may employ counter-insurgency measures. The United States Armed Forces use the term foreign internal defense for programs that support other countries in attempts to suppress insurgency, lawlessness, or subversion or to reduce the conditions under which these threats to security may develop.[citation needed][2]
At RAND Corporation's workshop of experts in October 2019, which included David Kilcullen, Ben Connable, and Christine Wormuth, the U.S. Deputy Secretary of Defense Mick Mulroy officially rolled out the Irregular Warfare Annex and said it was a critical component of the U.S. 2018 National Defense Strategy. He explained that irregular warfare (IW) included counter-insurgency (COIN), counter-terrorism (CT), unconventional warfare (UW), foreign internal defense (FID), sabotage and subversion, as well as stabilization and information operations (IO), among other areas. He continued that IW was perceived as primarily the CT effort used to fight violent extremist organizations as that has been the focus since 2001, but it should be applied to all areas of military competition. These areas include the global powers competitors of China and Russia as well as the rogue states of North Korea and Iran. Mulroy emphasized that the U.S. must be prepared to respond with "aggressive, dynamic, and unorthodox approaches to IW" to be competitive across these priorities.[3]
SAS Men Led Raid On Liverpool Terrorists Houses [ 21 November 2021 ]
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SAS troops helped raid homes allegedly linked to the Poppy Day bomber, as the elite unit joined the hunt for any prospective accomplices of the terrorist.Pictures show a heavily armed operator from the SAS's counter-terror squad in tactical gear and armed with a powerful automatic rifle as the regiment stormed properties in Liverpool after the suicide bomb attack. It is believed special forces operatives utilised new drone technology, equipped with in-built electronic security, to neutralise any remote-controlled improvised explosive device (IED).
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This was a routine bit of house clearing for the men of 22 SAS; one using live ammunition. It was all over in five minutes with no casualties.
PS The Mail is censoring comments again.
BBC Claims Of SAS Atrocities Are A Malicious Libel Says Barrister [ 22 July 2022 ]
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Only once in my SAS career did I hear of British special forces being told, and even then only by means of a hint, to execute the enemy.That was prior to the mission to rescue the hostages being held at the Iranian embassy in Prince’s Gate, London in 1980, when a six-day siege ended in the death of five terrorists.
Just before the assault, the then prime minister Margaret Thatcher met with the squad and gave them a bit of a pep talk. Then her deputy PM, Willie Whitelaw, arrived. I’d always regarded him as an old buffer but that day, as I was later told, he revealed a coldly ruthless streak. ‘We don’t want any complications after this,’ he told the SAS troopers. ‘I hope you understand what this means.’ They did understand.
Aside from this exceptional instance, I know of no occasion when the SAS have had orders to kill as a first resort. That idea runs counter to everything the unit represents and everything we train for.
Yet the BBC’s Panorama programme made the most serious accusations possible against the regiment this week, based on testimonies from so-called witnesses with zero credibility, backed up by ‘evidence’ too flimsy to merit a moment’s consideration. Even the title of Tuesday’s hour-long documentary was shockingly prejudicial —‘SAS Death Squads Exposed: A British War Crime?’.
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Harry McCallion, an SAS man writes. he is not amused by BBC allegations. The total lack of evidence is mentioned. Recall that the Al Sweady Inquiry was caused by bent lawyers using evidence obtained by Bribery. They succeeded in wasting £24,598,372 plus VAT on a Red Herring. They also succeeded in staying out of prison. Judicial malpractice? One of them, Phil Shiner did get kicked out of the business. NB Willie Whitelaw served for real with the Scots Guards, then later the 6th Guards Tank Brigade. He knew about the ugliness. So does the BBC, which is why they are in the business of protecting Paedophile Perverts.
Is The British SAS Better Than Any Force The United States Possesses? [
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Michael Trist
(I answered this elsewhere, but here it is.)I know a NATO special operations soldier, and I asked him about the abilities of different groups that he’s trained with—including Delta Force and SAS. His response was that when you get to the tier 1 special operations units (American, British, French, Belgian, German, Scandinavian, Polish), there is not much difference in ability. I got the impression that it’s like watching Olympic swimmers without a stopwatch and instant replay—they’re all very good, and what separates the winner from the loser might be milliseconds, He said that because of the amount of money they have access to, the Americans MIGHT have a slight edge. (But later he also gave an anecdote that suggested such levels of funding can make the Americans a bit fussy—not being allowed to train on old sub-optimal platforms, etc.)
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Mr Trist's reply is perhaps the least favourable.