Palestine Betrayed

During the First World War, when things were looking bad Lloyd George, the Prime Minister made a Devil's bargain with the Jews. He would give them Palestine, while they would bring America in our side, to fight the Germans by using the Influence of Brandeis on President Wilson, whence the Balfour Declaration of 2 November 1917. This was after Mark Sykes & François Georges Picot made their agreement, promising Palestine to the Arabs.

The real mistake was going to war in the first place. It cost millions of lives and billions in money. However Lloyd George's pandering to the Jews is costing lives yet.

NB The Sykes Picot Agreement had the Jew, Samuel meddling from the outset. It seems that Mark Sykes was a jovial soul who liked Arabs. This agreement was exposed to the public in Izvestia & the The Guardian, that "foul prostitute and dirty parasite of the worst portion of the mill-owners".

References to the Influence of Brandeis come from The Iron Curtain Over America, a book by  John Beaty, a colonel of the American Army, whose job was debriefing men who had just come back from operations. He was a very well informed & distinguished American academic.

 

Mark Sykes ex Wiki
"Colonel Sir Mark Sykes, 6th Baronet (born Tatton Benvenuto Mark Sykes; 16 March 1879 – 16 February 1919) was an English traveller, Conservative Party politician and diplomatic adviser, particularly about matters respecting the Middle East at the time of the First World War. He is associated with the Sykes-Picot Agreement, drawn up while the war was in progress, regarding the apportionment of postwar spheres of interest in the Ottoman Empire to Britain, France and Russia."
Preferred Jews to Arabs.

 

François Georges-Picot ex Wiki
François Marie Denis Georges-Picot (Paris, 21 December 1870 – Paris, 20 June 1951) was a French diplomat and lawyer who negotiated the Sykes–Picot Agreement with the English diplomat Sir Mark Sykes between November 1915 and March 1916 before its signing on May 16, 1916. It was a secret deal which proposed that, when the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire began after a then theoretical victory of the Triple Entente, Britain and France, and later Russia and Italy, would divide up the Arab territories between them.

 

Sykes Picot Agreement ex Wiki
The Sykes–Picot Agreement /ˈsaɪks pi.ko/, officially known as the Asia Minor Agreement, was a secret agreement between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the French Third Republic,[1] with the assent of the Russian Empire, defining their proposed spheres of influence and control in Southwestern Asia should the Triple Entente succeed in defeating the Ottoman Empire during World War I. The negotiation of the treaty occurred between November 1915 and March 1916,[2] the agreement was signed on 16 May 1916,[3] and was exposed to the public in Izvestia and Pravda on 23 November 1917 and in the British Guardian on November 26, 1917.[4][5]

The Agreement is considered to have shaped the region, defining the borders of Iraq and Syria and leading to the current conflict between Israel and the Palestinians.[6]

Britain was allocated control of areas roughly comprising the coastal strip between the Mediterranean Sea and River Jordan, Jordan, southern Iraq, and a small area including the ports of Haifa and Acre, to allow access to the Mediterranean.[7] France was allocated control of southeastern Turkey, northern Iraq, Syria and Lebanon.[7] Russia was to get Istanbul, the Turkish Straits and Armenia.[7] The controlling powers were left free to decide on state boundaries within these areas.[7] Further negotiation was expected to determine international administration pending consultations with Russia and other powers, including Hussein bin Ali, Sharif of Mecca.[7]

Given the eventual defeat in 1918 and subsequent partitioning of the Ottoman Empire, the agreement effectively divided the Ottoman's Arab provinces outside the Arabian peninsula into areas of future British and French control and influence.[8] An "international administration" was proposed for Palestine.[9] The British gained control of the territory in 1920 and ruled it as Mandatory Palestine from 1923 until 1948. They also ruled Mandatory Iraq from 1920 until 1932, while the French Mandate for Syria and the Lebanon lasted from 1923 to 1946. The terms were negotiated by the British and French diplomats Mark Sykes and François Georges-Picot. The Russian Tsarist government was a minor party to the Sykes–Picot agreement, and when, following the Russian Revolution, the Bolsheviks published the agreement on 23 November 1917 "the British were embarrassed, the Arabs dismayed and the Turks delighted."[10]

The Agreement is seen by many as a turning point in Western–Arab relations. It negated British promises made to Arabs[11] through Colonel T. E. Lawrence for a national Arab homeland in the area of Greater Syria, in exchange for their siding with British forces against the Ottoman Empire. It has been argued that the geopolitical architecture founded by the Sykes–Picot Agreement disappeared in July 2014 and with it the relative protection that religious and ethnic minorities enjoyed in the Middle East.[12] The Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) claims one of the goals of its insurgency is to reverse the effects of the Sykes–Picot Agreement.[13][14]

 

The Avalon Project : The Sykes-Picot Agreement : 1916

avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/sykes.asp - Proxy - Highlight

The Sykes-Picot Agreement : 1916. It is accordingly understood between the French and British governments: That France and Great Britain are prepared to recognize and ...

http://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/sykes.asp

 

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_Lloyd_George

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Franklin_D._Roosevelt tried to pack the supreme court

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Louis_Brandeis

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chaim_Weizmann
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nahum_Sokolow
http://heretical.com/miscella/plandman.html in re S. Landman, in his paper "
Great Britain, the Jews and Palestine

http://heretical.com/miscella/plandman.html
http://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/2010/08/02/the-red-face-of-israel/view-all/ referes to Sam

http://www.itk.ntnu.no/ansatte/Andresen_Trond/kk-f/2005/0036.html sam source


Samuel Landman published a work called Great Britain, The Jews and Palestine
Secret History of the Balfour Declaration"
Joint Zionist Council of the United Kingdom
http://www.amazon.com/Great-Britain-Palestine-Samuel-Landman/dp/1493784447



Influence of Brandeis
There is testimony, also, to the influence of Brandeis over Wilson as a factor in America's entry into World War I and its consequent prolongation with terrible blood losses to all participants, especially among boys and young men of British, French, and German stock. Although Britain had promised self-rule to the Palestine Arabs in several official statements [ See McMahon-Hussein Correspondence ]  by Sir Henry McMahon, the High Commissioner for Egypt, by Field Marshal Lord Allenby, Commander in Chief of British Military forces in the area, and by others (The Surrender of An Empire, by Nesta H. Webster, Boswell Printing and Publishing Co., Ltd., 10 Essex St., London, W.C. 2, 1931, pp. 351-356), President Wilson was readily won over to a scheme concocted later in another compartment of the British government. This scheme, Zionism, attracted the favor of the Prime Minister, Mr. David Lloyd George, who, like Wilson, had with prominent Jews certain close relations, one of which is suggested in the Encyclopedia Britannica article (Vol. XIX, p. 4) on the first 1st Marquess of Reading (previously Sir Rufus Daniel Isaacs). Thus, according to S. Landman, in his paper "Secret History of the Balfour Declaration" (World Jewry, March 1, 1935), after an "understanding had been arrived at between Sir Mark Sykes and Weizmann and Sokolow, it was resolved to send a secret message to Justice Brandeis that the British Cabinet would help the Jews to gain Palestine in return for active Jewish sympathy and support in U.S.A. for the allied cause so as to bring about a radical pro-ally tendency in the United States." An article, "The Origin of the Balfour Declaration" (The Jewish Chronicle, February 7, 1936), is more specific. According to this source, certain "representatives of the British and French Governments" had been convinced that "the best and perhaps the only way to induce the American President to come into the war was to secure the co-operation of Zionist Jewry by promising them Palestine." In so doing "the Allies would enlist and mobilize the hitherto unsuspectedly powerful force of Zionist Jewry in America and elsewhere." Since President Wilson at that time "attached the greatest possible importance to the advice of Mr. Justice Brandeis," the Zionists worked through him and "helped to bring America in."


https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sykes%E2%80%93Picot_Agreement
"The Sykes–Picot Agreement, officially known as the Asia Minor Agreement, was a secret agreement between the governments of the United Kingdom and France,[1] with the assent of Russia, defining their proposed spheres of influence and control in the Middle East should the Triple Entente succeed in defeating the Ottoman Empire during World War I. The negotiation of the treaty occurred between November 1915 and March 1916.[2] The agreement was concluded on 16 May 1916.[3]

The agreement effectively divided the Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire outside the Arabian peninsula into areas of future British and French control or influence.[4] The terms were negotiated by the French diplomat François Georges-Picot and British Sir Mark Sykes. The Russian Tsarist government was a minor party to the Sykes–Picot agreement, and when, following the Russian Revolution of October 1917, the Bolsheviks exposed the agreement, 'the British were embarrassed, the Arabs dismayed and the Turks delighted.'[5] "
Treachery was exposed by the Bolsheviks & The Guardian.

 



http://heretical.com/miscella/plandman.html in re S. Landman, in his paper "
Great Britain, the Jews and Palestine


Samuel Landman published a work called Great Britain, The Jews and Palestine
Secret History of the Balfour Declaration"
Joint Zionist Council of the United Kingdom - see http://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/2010/08/02/the-red-face-of-israel/


http://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/2010/08/02/the-red-face-of-israel/view-all/
Samuel Landman, Great Britain, the Jews and Palestine (London: New Zionist Organisation, 1936). Landman was Hon. Secretary of the Joint Zionist Council of the United Kingdom 1912, Joint Editor of the Zionist 1913-14 and 1917 – 1922 Solicitor and Secretary to the Zionist Organisation, and at the time of writing the pamphlet Legal Adviser to the New Zionist Organisation. The pamphlet [ Great Britain, the Jews and Palestine(?) ] can be read online at: <http://www.itk.ntnu.no/ansatte/Andresen_Trond/kk-f/2005/0036.html>

 

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Herbert_Samuel,_1st_Viscount_Samuel

Herbert Samuel, 1st Viscount Samuel ex Wiki - Jew
Herbert Louis Samuel, 1st Viscount Samuel
GCB OM GBE PC (6 November 1870 – 5 February 1963), was a British Liberal politician who was the party leader from 1931-35. He was the first nominally practising Jew, although noted for his personal atheism, to serve as a Cabinet minister and to become the leader of a major British political party, and the last member of the Liberal Party to hold one of the four Great Offices of State.[1][2] He also served as a diplomat.

One of the adherents of “New Liberalism,”[3] Samuel helped to draft and present social reform legislation while serving as a Liberal cabinet member.[4]



Biography
Herbert Samuel was born at Claremont No. 11 Belvidere Road, Toxteth, Liverpool, Lancashire, in 1870. The building now houses part of the Belvedere Academy. He was the brother of Sir Stuart Samuel. He was educated at University College School in Hampstead, London and Balliol College, Oxford. He had a religious Jewish upbringing but in 1892 while at Oxford he renounced all religious belief, and wrote to his Jewish mother to inform her. He had been influenced by the work of Charles Darwin and the book On Compromise by senior Liberal politician John Morley.[5][page needed] However, he remained a member of the Jewish community to please his wife,[6] and kept kosher and the Sabbath "for hygienic reasons."[7]

Samuel unsuccessfully fought two general elections before being elected a Member of Parliament at the Cleveland by-election, 1902, as a member of the Liberal Party. He was appointed to the Cabinet in 1909 by Prime Minister Herbert Henry Asquith, first as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, and then later as Postmaster General, President of the Local Government Board, and eventually Home Secretary. He put forward the idea of establishing a British Protectorate over Palestine in 1915 and his ideas influenced the Balfour Declaration. As Home Secretary, Samuel faced a shortage of manpower needed to fight in World War I, and initiated legislation which offered thousands of Russian refugees (many of them young Jews) a choice between conscription into the British Army, or returning to Russia for military service.[8]

In December 1916 Asquith was replaced as Prime Minister by Lloyd George. Lloyd George asked Samuel to continue as Home Secretary, but Samuel chose to resign instead.[9][page needed] He attempted to strike a balance between giving support to the new government while remaining loyal to Asquith. At the end of the war he sought election at the general election of 1918 as a Liberal in support of the Coalition government. However, the government's endorsement was given to his Unionist opponent and he was defeated........

Appointment as High Commissioner of Palestine
One month after Britain's declaration of war on the Ottoman Empire in November 1914, Samuel met Chaim Weizmann, who was to become the President of the World Zionist Organization, and later the first President of Israel. According to Weizmann's memoirs, Samuel was already an avid believer in Zionism, and believed that Weizmann's demands were too modest.[11] Samuel did not want to enter into a detailed discussion of his plans, but mentioned that "perhaps the Temple may be rebuilt, as a symbol of Jewish unity, of course, in a modernised form".[11]

One month later, Samuel circulated a memorandum entitled The Future of Palestine to his cabinet colleagues, suggesting that Palestine become a home for the Jewish people under British rule.[12] The memorandum stated that "I am assured that the solution of the problem of Palestine which would be much the most welcome to the leaders and supporters of the Zionist movement throughout the world would be the annexation of the country to the British Empire".

In 1917, Britain occupied Palestine (then part of the Ottoman Empire) during the course of the First World War. Samuel lost his seat in the election of 1918 and became a candidate to represent British interests in the territory. He was appointed to the position of High Commissioner in 1920, before the Council of the League of Nations approved a British mandate for Palestine. Nonetheless, the military government withdrew to Cairo in preparation for the expected British Mandate, which was finally granted 2 years later by the League of Nations. He served as High Commissioner until 1925 [1]. Samuel was the first Jew to govern the historic land of Israel in 2,000 years.[13] He recognised Hebrew as one of the three official languages of the Mandate territory. He was appointed Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the British Empire (GBE) on 11 June 1920.

Samuel's appointment to High Commissioner of Palestine was controversial. While the Zionists welcomed the appointment of a Zionist Jew to the post, the military government, headed by Allenby and Bols, called Samuel's appointment "highly dangerous".[14] Technically, Allenby noted, the appointment was illegal, in that a civil administration that would compel the inhabitants of an occupied country to express their allegiance to it before a formal peace treaty (with Turkey) was signed, was in violation of both military law and the Hague Convention.[15] Bols said the news was received with '(c)onsternation, despondency and exasperation' by the Moslem [and] Christian population ... They are convinced that he will be a partisan Zionist and that he represents a Jewish and not a British Government.'[16] Allenby said that the Arabs would see it "as handing country over at once to a permanent Zionist Administration" and predicted numerous degrees of violence. Lord Curzon read this last message to Samuel and asked him to reconsider accepting the post. (Samuel took advice from a delegation representing the Zionists which was in London at the time, who told him that these 'alarmist' reports were not justified.[17] The Muslim-Christian Association had sent a telegram to Bols:

'Sir Herbert Samuel regarded as a Zionist leader, and his appointment as first step in formation of Zionist national home in the midst of Arab people contrary to their wishes. Inhabitants cannot recognise him, and Muslim-Christian Society cannot accept responsibility for riots or other disturbances of peace'.

The wisdom of appointing Samuel was debated in the House of Lords a day before he arrived in Palestine. Lord Curzon said that no 'disparaging' remarks had been made during the debate, but that 'very grave doubts have been expressed as to the wisdom of sending a Jewish Administrator to the country at this moment'. Questions in the House of Commons of the period also show much concern about the choice of Samuel, asking amongst other things 'what action has been taken to placate the Arab population ... and thereby put an end to racial tension'. Three months after his arrival, the Morning Post wrote that 'Sir Herbert Samuel's appointment as High Commissioner was regarded by everyone, except Jews, as a serious mistake.'

High Commissioner of Palestine
As High Commissioner, Samuel attempted to mediate between Zionist and Arab interests, acting to slow Jewish immigration and win the confidence of the Arab population. He hoped to gain Arab participation in mandate affairs and to guard their civil and economic rights, while at the same time refusing them any authority that could be used to stop Jewish immigration and land purchase.[18] According to Wasserstein his policy was "subtly designed to reconcile Arabs to the [...] pro-Zionist policy" of the British.[19] Islamic custom at the time was that the chief Islamic spiritual leader, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, was to be chosen by the temporal ruler, the Ottoman Sultan in Constantinople, from a group of clerics that were nominated by the indigenous clerics. After the British conquered Palestine, Samuel chose Hajj Amin Al Husseini, who later proved a thorn in the side of the British administration in Palestine. At the same time, he enjoyed the respect of the Jewish community, and was honored by being called to the Torah at the Hurva synagogue in the Old City of Jerusalem.[20]

During Samuel’s administration the White Paper of 1922 was published, supporting Jewish immigration within the absorptive capacity of the country and defining the Jewish national homeland as “not the imposition of a Jewish nationality upon the inhabitants of Palestine as a whole, but the further development of the existing Jewish community, with the assistance of Jews in other parts of the world, in order that it may become a centre in which the Jewish people as a whole may take, on grounds of religion and race, an interest and a pride.”[21]

Samuel won the confidence of all sections of the population by his noted "impartiality."[22] He struck a particularly strong relationship with Pinhas Rutenberg, granting him exclusive concessions to produce and distribute electricity in Palestine and Trans-Jordan and often strongly backing Rutenberg in his relations with the Colonial Office in London.[23][page needed]

Samuel government signed the Ghor-Mudawarra Land Agreement with the Baysan Valley bedouin tribes, that earmarked for transfer 179,545 Dunams of state land to the Bedouin.[24]

Samuel's role in Palestine is still debated. According to Wasserstein, "He is remembered kindly neither by the majority of Zionist historians, who tend to regard him as one of the originators of the process whereby the Balfour Declaration in favour of Zionism was gradually diluted and ultimately betrayed by Great Britain, nor by Arab nationalists who regard him as a personification of the alliance between Zionism and British imperialism and as one of those responsible for the displacement of the Palestinian Arabs from their homeland. In fact, both are mistaken."[25]

Return to Britain
On his return to Britain in 1925, Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin asked Samuel to look into the problems of the mining industry. The Samuel Commission published its report in March 1926 recommending that the industry be reorganised but rejecting the suggestion of nationalisation. The report also recommended that the Government subsidy should be withdrawn and the miners' wages should be reduced. The report was one of the leading factors that led to the 1926 General Strike.

Samuel returned to the House of Commons following the 1929 General Election. Two years later he became deputy leader of the Liberal Party and acted as leader in the summer of 1931 when Lloyd George was ill. Under Samuel the party served in the first National Government of Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald formed in August 1931, with Samuel himself serving as Home Secretary. However the government's willingness to consider the introduction of protectionist tariffs and to call a general election to seek a mandate led to the Liberal Party fragmenting into three distinct groups. Sir John Simon had already led a breakaway group of MPs to form the Liberal National party.

The Liberal leader, Lloyd George, led a small group of Independent Liberals who decided to oppose the National Government. This left Samuel effectively as leader of the parliamentary party and in control of party headquarters. The government's moves to introduce tariffs caused further friction for the Liberals and Samuel withdrew the party from the government in stages, first obtaining the suspension of cabinet collective responsibility on the matter to allow Liberal members of the government to oppose tariffs, then in October 1932 the Liberal ministers resigned their ministerial posts but continued to support the National Government in Parliament, and finally in November 1933 Samuel and the bulk of the Liberal MPs crossed the floor of the House of Commons to now oppose the government outright. He remained leader of the Liberal Party until he again lost his seat in 1935.

In 1937, he was granted the title Viscount Samuel; later that year, Samuel, despite being born into a Jewish family, aligned himself with Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain's appeasement policy towards Adolf Hitler and urged that Germany be cleared of its 1914 war guilt and recommending the return of German colonies lost after the war. He declined a later offer by Chamberlain to return to government. In 1938, he supported the Kindertransport movement for refugee children from Europe with an appeal for homes for them.

Samuel later became the leader of the Liberal Party in the House of Lords (1944-1955). During the 1951 general election, on 15 October 1951, Samuel became the first British politician to deliver a party political broadcast on television.[26]

His son, Edwin, served in the Jewish Legion.

Literary career
In his later years, he remained concerned over the future of humanity and of science, writing three books: Essays in Physics (1951), In Search of Reality (1957) and a collaborative work, A Threefold Cord: Philosophy, Science, Religion (1961). The three works tended to conflict with the beliefs of the scientific establishment, especially as his collaborator and friend in the last work was Herbert Dingle.